As debate continues around the development and adoption of common standards in English and mathematics, several states are independently wrestling with rewrites of standards in a content area largely absent from that national discussion鈥攕ocial studies鈥攁nd encountering their own shares of controversy.
Flash points in the social studies debates tend to occur in the teaching of history, from what should be taught to when and how much.
History, in fact, appears to be repeating itself. Many of the issues are throwbacks to the squabbles that enmeshed the voluntary national standards in that subject a decade and a half ago, when critics complained about an ideological bias and contended that the standards omitted key historical symbols and figures. (They were there, in the elementary school document, though not repeated in the standards for secondary students.)
鈥淭his is probably the hardest set of standards to get right, because you鈥檙e getting into social debates about whose history matters and those sorts of things,鈥 said Terry Ryan, the vice president for Ohio programs and policy at the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, a Washington-based think tank.
In the current climate, the Texas effort has drawn the most attention, with its arguments over the separation of church and state, whether hip-hop merits study as a cultural movement, and a successful push to highlight the 鈥渃onservative resurgence鈥 in recent decades, including such players as Phyllis Schlafly and the Moral Majority. Led by a bloc of staunch conservatives, the state board of education this month tentatively approved the standards on a party-line vote of 10-5, with all Democrats opposed.
North Carolina鈥檚 state education agency, meanwhile, has promised to rethink the handling of American history outlined in a December draft of social studies standards, in the face of an avalanche of criticism. Many teachers and historians complained that the document gave short shrift to U.S. history, especially in high school, where coverage of the subject would have begun in 1877, after Reconstruction.
In Ohio, discussion over revising social studies standards appears more subdued so far, though a number of groups have expressed concerns with drafts put out for public comment recently. For instance, the is criticizing the lack of a required course in modern world history in the latest draft, and asserts that it fails to build in sufficiently and clearly so-called 鈥21st-century skills鈥 as mandated under a recent state law, while others have complained about plans to scale back U.S. history content in the 5th grade.
A related concern in Ohio goes beyond the standards and raises questions about their classroom relevance. As a result of budget cuts, the state recently suspended for two years its social studies tests in the 5th and 8th grades (along with writing tests in grades 4 and 7).
鈥淢ost people know that if it鈥檚 not tested, it鈥檚 not taught,鈥 said William A. Harris, who teaches history and government at Cedarville High School in Cedarville, Ohio, and is the president of the Ohio Council for the Social Studies. 鈥淚t鈥檚 the continued marginalization of social studies that we鈥檙e seeing, not only in our state, but nationwide.鈥
Names Aplenty
Efforts to rewrite social studies standards come as concerns persist that this and other subjects, such as the arts, are getting squeezed out of the classroom because of the federal No Child Left Behind Act鈥檚 emphasis on reading and math.
In addition to North Carolina, Ohio, and Texas, at least two other states鈥擮regon and South Carolina鈥攁re currently revising social studies standards, though both are early in the process and have yet to release a draft for public comment.
In Texas, the standards are being revised for the first time since 1997. The project has drawn national interest not only because of the political controversy, but also because the standards will guide the state鈥檚 selection of new textbooks in 2011. Given the size of the Texas market, the state鈥檚 work is seen as influencing the textbooks some other states and school districts may use.
A committee assembled by the state, including teachers, academics, and others, worked last year to craft the draft standards in consultation with seven 鈥渆xpert reviewers鈥 named by the state board of education. The board began debating the standards at a round of meetings in January, and continued with three more days of deliberations this month. It has considered more than 300 amendments in that time, and is scheduled to meet in May to adopt the final standards.
Social conservatives on the elected Texas board have said one priority is to balance a perceived liberal bias in the presentation of history; critics contend that the conservatives are using the standards to promote a right-wing agenda.
The conservatives have pushed, and won passage of, a variety of amendments. One such measure calls on schools to describe the 鈥渃onservative resurgence of the 1980s and 1990s, including Phyllis Schlafly, the Contract with America, the Heritage Foundation, the Moral Majority, and the National Rifle Association.鈥 Another says students should consider the 鈥渦nintended consequences鈥 of the Great Society programs of the 1960s, affirmative action, and Title IX.
GOP members, meanwhile, shot down an amendment put forth by Democrats that would have required schools to 鈥渆xamine the reasons the Founding Fathers protected religious freedom in America by barring government from promoting or disfavoring any particular religion over all others.鈥
Board member Terri Leo, a Republican, hailed the standards as a 鈥渨orld-class document鈥 after the plan won March 12. Democrat Mary Helen Berlanga said she had a 鈥渧ery long list of reasons for voting against it,鈥 including concern that it fails to 鈥渄epict history in an accurate fashion.鈥
At least one Republican, Bob Craig鈥攚ho voted against his GOP colleagues on some amendments but ultimately backed the plan鈥攕aid he has some misgivings.
鈥淚鈥檓 still not convinced that we鈥檝e got the best document right now,鈥 he said.
Beyond concerns about the influence of political and cultural agendas on the Texas standards, another issue is the sheer volume of information, especially names of people, that schools will be expected to teach. The list has grown steadily, thanks to board amendments.
鈥淚f we could just condense the [number of] names,鈥 Democrat Lawrence A. Allen Jr., urged fellow board members. 鈥淚t takes away from the value and the ability to really do some critical analysis and teaching and evaluation. ... You only have time to deliver the information.鈥
The makeup of the Texas board will see some changes, based on , though new members won鈥檛 join before the final vote on the standards in May. Perhaps most notable was the defeat of Don McLeroy, a leader of the board鈥檚 social-conservative bloc, by moderate Republican Thomas Ratcliff. Eight of the board鈥檚 15 seats will be on the November ballot.
鈥楾oo Precious鈥
In North Carolina, education officials have seen plenty of resistance to a first draft of new social studies standards, especially because of concerns about the teaching of U.S. history. The state education department received thousands of e-mail comments criticizing the draft, plus a strongly worded letter from a powerful lawmaker.
鈥淎ny changes the state makes to teaching U.S. history must be an enhancement to what students learn in high school and not downshifting in any way,鈥 said Democratic Sen. Marc Basnight, his chamber鈥檚 president pro tempore. 鈥淯.S. history is too precious and important and must be taught in its entirety during the high school years.鈥
Vanessa W. Jeter, a spokeswoman for the department, emphasized that North Carolina鈥檚 draft standards will go through several rounds of revisions, and that the agency anticipates significant changes to the high school component, with more time likely to be carved out for U.S. history.
In general, , in responding to criticism, that the idea in scaling back the breadth of the 11th grade U.S. history course was to allow students more time to study history in depth and to spread around some of the coverage, with additional emphasis before high school.
鈥淲e have been criticized in the past for having a curriculum that is an inch deep and a mile wide,鈥 Ms. Jeter said.
But Holly Brewer, an associate professor of early American history at North Carolina State University in Raleigh who has worked to to the draft, said recent statements from department officials have been misleading.
Ms. Brewer, a state coordinator for the , takes issue, for example, with the claim that the plan would ensure students ultimately get 鈥渕ore history.鈥
鈥淲e looked all through the standards quite carefully at all the grade levels,鈥 she said, and did not find evidence to support the state education department鈥檚 claim. Ms. Brewer added: 鈥淚n the early grades, there were huge gaps in coverage.鈥
She also asserted that because of the No Child Left Behind Act, most elementary schools 鈥渟pend 15 minutes a week鈥 on social studies.
John Dornan, the executive director of the Public School Forum of North Carolina, a think tank, said he sees the dispute as a 鈥渃lassic clash鈥 between ensuring students learn about the 鈥済lobal world鈥 while also attending to U.S. history.
鈥淚 hope we can find a middle ground on this,鈥 he said.
Lynne Munson, who heads up Common Core, a Washington-based group that advocates giving students a strong grounding across disciplines, said scaling back the breadth of American history coverage in high school is a bad idea.
鈥淚 do think once you鈥檙e in high school and your intellectual development and background knowledge [have expanded], ... you can restudy the American past in a way that will bring more meaning than you might have been able to glean at earlier grades,鈥 she said.
Nevertheless, analysts say that at least some states split U.S. history between a survey course in the 8th grade and another in high school, though this approach was not proposed in the North Carolina draft.
鈥楰ind of an Art鈥
In Ohio, the state is working to approved in 2002.
Stan Heffner, an associate superintendent at the Ohio education department, said the state has long been getting suggestions on how to improve the standards.
鈥淢ost importantly among them, and it鈥檚 not limited to social studies, teachers said, 鈥榃e鈥檝e got more standards than we know how to manage,鈥 鈥 he said. 鈥淚f we want to get some depth, we want to identify the real key, fundamental standards, and also try to organize them in a way鈥 to promote more sound 鈥渓earning progressions.鈥
Furthermore, the state aims to better integrate the standards with essential skills, he said.
Mr. Heffner said Ohio has heard lately from a lot of groups advocating an increased focus on specific areas, such as the American Revolution or military history, but is trying to find the right balance between appropriate coverage and giving teachers room to spend more time on a particular subject.鈥淚t鈥檚 kind of an art,鈥 he said.
In Colorado, meanwhile, the state board of education in December . Several people involved in that effort say it saw relatively little, if any, significant controversy.
Fritz Fischer, a history professor at Northern Colorado University who co-chaired the committee that led the standards rewrite, contrasts the effort in several ways with the process in Texas.
The Texas standards, Mr. Fischer noted, 鈥渉ave devolved into this long, long list of names, keeping people in, keeping people out. That鈥檚 going to be an endless debate.鈥
The mantra in Colorado, he said, was to devise 鈥渇ewer, clearer, higher鈥漵tandards. Also, unlike Texas, he said, 鈥渨e can鈥檛 dictate curriculum at the state level.鈥
In the end, one of the most striking differences compared with the Texas experience, Mr. Fischer said, was how the Colorado state board鈥攚hose members, he said, span the ideological spectrum鈥攔esponded to the standards committee鈥檚 work.
鈥淭he state board, with very few exceptions, let us do our work and accepted what we did,鈥 said Mr. Fischer, who is also the chairman of the National Council for History Education. The standards won unanimous board approval.
鈥淚t鈥檚 about good history and teaching and learning,鈥 Mr. Fischer said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not about partisanship.鈥