On the first week of its new term, the U.S. Supreme Court held two hours of intense arguments about whether the main federal job-discrimination law protects gay, lesbian, and transgender employees, with the justices expressing concerns about how their ruling might play out for restroom and locker room use by transgender individuals in schools or the workplace.
"[The] big issue right now raging the country is bathroom usage鈥攕ame-sex bathroom usage,鈥� Justice Sonia Sotomayor said during the Oct. 8 arguments.
It went without saying that that issue is raging most fiercely in public schools, where there have been numerous skirmishes in recent years about transgender students using facilities that align with their gender identities.
鈥淟et me move beyond the bathroom to another example,鈥� Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. said later. 鈥淎nd it is not before us, but it will be coming. So a transgender woman is not permitted to compete on a woman鈥檚 college sports team. Is that discrimination on the basis of sex in violation of Title IX?鈥�
David D. Cole, the American Civil Liberties Union lawyer representing a transgender employee, stressed that questions about transgender restroom use or sports participation won鈥檛 be answered by the court鈥檚 ruling in the cases before it.
鈥淚t may be that because Title IX recognizes concerns about competitive skill in contact sports, that it鈥檚 permissible,鈥� Cole said in reference to the hypothetical exclusion of a transgender athlete. 鈥淚t may be that it鈥檚 not permissible. But this case just asks, when you fire somebody because you say he was going to represent himself as a man, because she was using the name Aimee and that鈥檚 not permissible because he鈥檚 a man, is that sex discrimination? Yes, that is sex discrimination.鈥�
Cole represents Aimee Stephens, a transgender woman from Michigan who alleges she was fired from her job at a funeral home after she announced her gender identity.
Cole spoke during arguments in , in which the justices will decide whether Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination against transgender people based on their status as transgender or based on sex stereotyping.
The family-owned funeral home is represented by Alliance Defending Freedom, the Scottsdale, Ariz.-based legal organization that has been heavily involved in the transgender issue at schools by representing students who claim their privacy rights are invaded when transgender students use restrooms or locker rooms aligning with their gender identities.
John J. Bursch of ADF, representing the funeral home, generally stuck to the employment question at the center of the case.
鈥淭reating women and men equally does not mean employers have to treat men as women,鈥� Bursch said. 鈥淭hat is because sex and transgender status are independent concepts.鈥�
Sexual Orientation Cases
The justices first heard arguments in a consolidated pair of cases that raise the question of whether Title VII covers sexual orientation. Those cases are and .
U.S. Solicitor General Noel J. Francisco, representing the Trump administration, argued in support of the employers in both cases.
鈥淭he issue is not whether Congress can or should prohibit employment discrimination because of sexual orientation,鈥� he said. 鈥淭he issue, rather, is whether it did so when it prohibited discrimination because of sex.鈥�
Congress did not because, among other reasons, 鈥渟ex means whether you鈥檙e male or female, not whether you鈥檙e gay or straight. So if you treat all gay men and women exactly the same regardless of their sex, you鈥檙e not discriminating against them because of their sex.鈥�
Pamela S. Karlan, a Stanford University law professor representing gay employees who were allegedly fired over their sexual orientation, said: 鈥淲hen a employer fires a male employee for dating men but does not fire female employees who date men, he violates Title VII.鈥�
Education groups, including the two national teachers鈥� unions and groups representing school boards and administrators, filed a friend-of-the-court brief supporting the employees and an interpretation of Title VII to cover sexual orientation and transgender status.
These cases are the first major LGBT cases taken up by the court since the addition of President Donald Trump鈥檚 nominees, Justices Neil M. Gorsuch, and Brett M. Kavanaugh.
Kavanaugh was mostly quiet during the two hours of arguments, asking only one question that did not tip his hand.
Gorsuch was an active questioner, at times expressing support for the employees鈥� arguments that the text of the Title VII should be read expansively. But he also seemed concerned about the implications of the court鈥檚 ruling.
鈥淎t the end of the day, should [a judge] take into consideration the massive social upheaval that would be entailed in such a decision鈥� to broadly read Title VII, Gorsuch said, 鈥渁nd the possibility that Congress didn鈥檛 think about it鈥� and that it is more appropriately a 鈥渓egislative rather than a judicial function?鈥�
Sotomayor, speaking toward the end of the two hours, suggested to Francisco that the court has a duty to step in when it sees invidious discrimination that is covered by the text of Title VII.
鈥淲e can鈥檛 deny that homosexuals are being fired merely for being who they are and not because of religious reasons, not because they are performing their jobs poorly, not because they can鈥檛 do whatever is required of a position, but merely because they鈥檙e a suspect class to some people,鈥� she said.
鈥淭hey may have power in some regions, but they are still being beaten, they are still being ostracized from certain things,鈥� Sotomayor added. 鈥淎t what point does a court say, 鈥楥ongress spoke about this, the original Congress who wrote this statute told us what they meant. ...鈥� At what point do we say we have to step in?鈥�
Decisions in the cases are expected by the end of the court鈥檚 term in late June.
