Last week, Republican Glenn Youngkin was elected governor of Virginia, upsetting former Democratic governor Terry McAuliffe in a blue state that President Biden won by 10 points and where no Republican had won statewide in more than a decade. While much of the leftist commentariat quickly concluded that this was all a case of racists responding to 鈥渄og whistles鈥� from Youngkin, this seems an odd explanation. After all, Youngkin, a former CEO and mild-mannered suburban dad, won alongside ticket-mates Winsome Sears, who will be Virginia鈥檚 first black woman to serve as lieutenant governor, and Jason Miyares, who will be the state鈥檚 first Latino attorney general. Attributing the victories to racism also doesn鈥檛 explain the fact that Youngkin won due in large part to with voters in a blue state who had backed Biden in 2020鈥攏ot the usual suspects for racist dog whistles.
The race鈥檚 turning point was McAuliffe鈥檚 in an early October debate that 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think parents should be telling schools what they should teach,鈥� uttered even as the National School Boards Association was catching blowback for its controversial letter to the Biden administration. In its final poll, Echelon Insights Youngkin trailing by a point among non-parents but winning big among K-12 parents. Echelon鈥檚 Kristen Soltis Anderson observed, 鈥淵ou can bet every Republican in the country is going to run on education in 2022 because of what happened in Virginia tonight.鈥�
In an election where K-12 schooling was widely regarded as the central issue, Youngkin鈥檚 victory has important implications for education. For readers interested in more detail, I offered a over at Education Next. But here, I鈥檒l flag five points that deserve more attention than they鈥檝e received.
First, the big education issues were school closures, parental frustration with district bureaucracies, and concerns that ideological extremists are calling the shots on the larger direction of K-12 education. This is not education policy as it鈥檚 usually been addressed over the past two decades. Sure, Youngkin had the standard five-point plan, with planks like 鈥済etting every student college or career ready,鈥� 鈥渞aising teacher pay,鈥� and creating charter schools, but none of this featured very heavily in the actual campaign debate. Even school choice, where Youngkin鈥檚 enthusiasm offered a clear contrast with McAuliffe, didn鈥檛 get much attention except as another reflection of Youngkin鈥檚 stance on empowering parents. To say this election was about 鈥渆ducation鈥� is to say it was about values, frustration, and parental empowerment. And that, not surprisingly, is potent stuff.
Second, while many progressive pundits characterize Youngkin鈥檚 attacks on critical race theory as an appeal to the Republican base, I think that misses the mark. In a high-turnout election, Youngkin won independents and made notable gains with women and minority voters. Youngkin鈥檚 argument that McAuliffe was excusing or embracing ideological dogmas was less about revving up the base than winning over centrists and disaffected Biden voters. This is precisely the kind of thing that progressive analysts David Shor and Ruy Teixeira have warned Democrats about鈥攖he danger of embracing positions that are rejected by huge swathes of centrist (and even Democratic) voters. Indeed, while the specifics were very different, Youngkin鈥檚 approach has a lot more in common with how Bill Clinton, Bush, and Obama used education to appeal to the middle than with how Trump, Hillary Clinton, and Biden used attacks on the common core or calls for loan forgiveness to energize the base in 2016 and 2020.
Third, the coverage has featured a drumbeat of commentary insisting that critical race theory is a manufactured issue and isn鈥檛 actually found in Virginia鈥檚 schools. Such complaints are fundamentally dishonest, and Youngkin鈥檚 attacks resonated because parents have seen the of CRT that have surfaced in Virginia. For a half-decade or more, education has been rife with leaders, advocates, and experts schools to embrace the doctrine of 鈥渁nti-racism鈥濃�攊ncluding the premise that every idea, policy, and action (from school discipline to testing to pot legalization) is either 鈥渞acist鈥� or 鈥渁nti-racist,鈥� and that schools must teach students to think rightly. Many schools and systems have responded, including in Virginia. Indeed, CRT was showing up as far back as when McAuliffe was governor last time. For instance, take the state鈥檚 department of education from 2015, directing schools to 鈥渆mbrace critical race theory鈥� and 鈥渆ngage in race-conscious teaching and learning.鈥� Conveniently for its adherents, of course, 鈥渁nti-racist鈥� doctrine benefits from the rhetorical trick of casting all criticism as being 鈥減ro-racist.鈥� But once 鈥渁nti-racism鈥� is stripped of that protective rhetorical shell, it turns out that lots of parents and voters reject the premise that the United States was founded as a 鈥渟lavocracy鈥� and is 鈥渟ystemically racist;鈥� take issue with 鈥渁nti-racism鈥�/CRT鈥檚 ; and don鈥檛 believe that all manner of civilizational virtues鈥攆rom 鈥渉ard work鈥� to 鈥渋ndependent thought鈥濃�攁re troubling legacies of 鈥渨hite supremacy culture.鈥�
Fourth, if progressives (and educational leaders) can鈥檛 bring themselves to acknowledge the legitimacy of the parental concerns on display in Virginia, they鈥檙e going to keep winding up crosswise with huge swaths of the public鈥攊ncluding lots of . It just wouldn鈥檛 have been that hard over the past 12 months for McAuliffe to say something like, 鈥淲e need to teach a full history, the good and the bad. We must help our students wrestle with the inequities and racist legacies that are still with us. But, of course, I don鈥檛 think that 鈥榟ard work鈥� or 鈥榠ndependent thought鈥� are 鈥榳hite鈥� things. That鈥檚 ludicrous. It鈥檚 offensive. And if schools are paying for this nonsense with public funds, we need to put an end to it.鈥� This kind of simple, commonsense response could have lanced the boil, I suspect. Instead, McAuliffe opted to hem and haw, shrug, and obfuscate. It didn鈥檛 work so well.
Finally, in recent years, the left-leaning education community has abandoned the Bill Clinton-Obama formula of approaching education as a chance to win over the middle and to champion broadly shared values like personal responsibility, fairness, and opportunity. In any event, I don鈥檛 think education leaders, advocates, and funders realize how often they鈥檙e locking elbows with a progressive base that seems increasingly contemptuous of such values. To appreciate where this path leads, it may be useful to consider the trajectory of 鈥渄efund the police.鈥� There, the most militant elements of the progressive base framed criminal justice reform in a way that hurt Democrats at the ballot box while making it more difficult to forge coalitions that can pursue practical solutions.
What happened in Virginia matters so because it has implications for the 2022 midterms and the 2024 election. And, it matters because of what it might tell us about what Americans want from our democratically governed schools.
