The U.S. Supreme Court hears arguments Oct. 31 in two cases that may well hold the future of race in school admissions in the balance, both for K-12 and for higher education.
The cases of (No. 21-707) and (No. 20-1199) have been years in the making. But the justices have been flooded with briefs from legal scholars, educators at all levels including K-12, including teachers鈥� unions, public officials, corporations, generals, and other military experts, and students.
Here are four things to consider as the high court takes up these important cases.
The legacy of 鈥楤rown v. Board of Education鈥� continues to be debated
The Supreme Court鈥檚 landmark 1954 decision in which held school facilities separated by race to be 鈥渋nherently unequal,鈥� is widely considered the court鈥檚 most important decision of the 20th Century, if not more. Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh called Brown 鈥渢he greatest moment in Supreme Court history鈥� during his 2018 confirmation hearings.
But in the legal briefing for the Harvard and North Carolina affirmative action cases, the parties and their allies are engaged in a vigorous debate about the meaning of Brown, specifically whether the desegregation decision broadly requires schools and colleges to be 鈥渃olorblind鈥� when it comes to considering race and ethnicity.
鈥淭he position that prevailed in Brown is that the Constitution denies any authority to use race as a factor in affording educational opportunities,鈥� Students for Fair Admissions .
Harvard that 鈥渘o equivalence can sincerely be drawn between the segregation Brown rightly condemned and a university鈥檚 limited consideration of race among many characteristics to assemble a diverse class with many different backgrounds.鈥�
The University of North Carolina, , also takes issue with Students for Fair Admission鈥檚 reading of Brown. The university says the landmark decision held that 鈥渢he arbitrary separation of students based on race violates equal protection. Institutions like UNC that seek to bring students of diverse backgrounds together are the rightful heirs to Brown鈥檚 legacy.鈥�
Meanwhile, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, the same legal organization that won the Brown decision under its then-leader Thurgood Marshall, that 鈥�Brown did not espouse [SFFA鈥檚] version of 鈥榗olorblindness,鈥� which would require decisionmakers to willfully ignore ongoing racial inequality. ... To the contrary, Brown explained how the racial caste system established through chattel slavery demeans and subordinates Black people and thus promised to secure their equality in our educational system and as citizens of our democracy.鈥�
Brown was based on the 14th Amendment鈥檚 equal-protection clause. At an oral argument earlier this month in a case about race consideration in congressional redistricting, Jackson, the court鈥檚 newest justice expressed her view that the drafters of the post-Civil War 14th Amendment intended the equal protection guarantee to be 鈥渞ace neutral鈥� or 鈥渞ace blind.鈥�
鈥淎nd even more than that, I don鈥檛 think that the historical record establishes that the founders believed that race neutrality or race blindness was required, right?鈥� Jackson said during the Oct. 4 arguments in .
K-12 groups highlight the importance of racial and ethnic diversity in schools
As 澳门跑狗论坛 has reported, numerous K-12 groups have filed briefs in the case, emphasizing the pipeline between high schools and colleges and that importance of diverse student enrollments is not limited to higher education.
鈥淲hile this issue is not before the court in these consolidated cases, diversity is also a compelling interest in elementary and secondary schools,鈥� says the friend-of-the-court , the association of the nation鈥檚 largest urban school systems.
The brief makes detailed arguments about the persistence of racial segregation at the K-12 level, citing from earlier this year showing that in 2020-21, 鈥渕ore than a third of students (about 18.5 million) attended a predominantly same-race/ethnicity school鈥攚here 75 percent or more of the student population is of a single race/ethnicity.鈥�
Approximately half of all Black and Hispanic students attended schools with predominantly鈥�75 percent or more鈥攎inority enrollment, the council says in the brief. 鈥淏ecause of racial isolation and educational inequality, race-neutral higher education admissions procedures are often inadequate to produce diverse college and university enrollments,鈥� it says.
And there continues to be a need for narrowly tailored but race-conscious remedies for student assignment at the K-12 level, as permissible under the Supreme Court鈥檚 2007 decision in , the council鈥檚 brief says.
That decision barred most voluntary race-conscious measures for assigning students to schools, but did allow (under Justice Anthony M. Kennedy鈥檚 controlling concurrence in the case): strategic selection of sites for new schools; attendance boundaries drawn with 鈥済eneral recognition of the demographics of neighborhoods鈥�; allocation of 鈥渞esources for special programs鈥�; 鈥渢argeted鈥� recruiting of students and faculty; and 鈥渢racking enrollments, performance, and other statistics by race.鈥�
鈥淎s Justice Kennedy pointed out in his concurrence, the Constitution does not mandate that public schools sit idly by as the problems of segregation and racial isolation continue to grow,鈥� the council鈥檚 brief says.
One brief examines the quirks of racial and ethnic classification in U.S. education
Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr., who has been skeptical of race-conscious government actions in education and other contexts, wrote in a 2006 redistricting case, 鈥淚t is a sordid business, this divvying us up by race.鈥�
A provocative brief filed on the side of challengers to affirmative action focuses on some of the details of the 鈥渄ivvying.鈥� The brief raises questions about the racial and ethnic classifications used in American education.
鈥淗arvard and UNC use racial and ethnic categories that are arbitrary and irrational in the context of pursuing diversity鈥� and thus fail scrutiny under the U.S. Constitution, argues the , a professor at George Mason University鈥檚 Antonin Scalia Law School and the author of a forthcoming book, Classified: The Untold Story of Racial Classification in America.
Harvard and UNC classify students based on five racial categories: (1) Asian; (2) Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander; (3) Hispanic; (4) White; (5) African American; and (6) Native American, says Bernstein鈥檚 brief.
The categories are not unique to those schools, as they match the classifications used by the U.S. Department of Education, though the federal government has also offered 鈥渢wo or more races鈥� in Census forms and other surveys for years now. Bernstein says these classifications stem from a 1970s effort by the federal Office of Management and Budget to standardize race and ethnicity data collected across the federal government.
鈥淭he racial and ethnic categories that Harvard, UNC, and universities across the country use in their admissions policies were created by executive-branch bureaucrats who specifically warned that they were not scientific or anthropological in nature and should not be used to determine eligibility for benefits in race-conscious policies,鈥� Bernstein鈥檚 brief says. 鈥淭he categories are imprecise, over- and underinclusive, and are not narrowly tailored to achieve educationally beneficial diversity.鈥�
Bernstein also makes the point that applicants self-report their racial and ethnic identities, and that Harvard and UNC, as well as other colleges, do not make any attempt to verify such selections.
鈥淭he problem with relying on self-identification is that it invariably results in inaccuracies and disparate treatment of similarly situated applicants,鈥� the brief says. 鈥淭his is due to fraudulent and exaggerated claims of minority ancestry, confusion about how to self-identify, and inconsistent classification of multiracial applicants.鈥�
The North Carolina case is stealing some of the spotlight from Harvard
Justice Lewis F. Powell Jr. wrote the controlling opinion in , the 1978 decision that rejected racial quotas in student admissions but allowed for some consideration of race to promote diversity in higher education. He pointed to Harvard College鈥檚 plan as a constitutional means to achieve that goal. The 鈥淗arvard plan鈥� used race or ethnicity as a plus factor in some admissions decisions but did not employ racial or ethnic quotas.
So some legal observers have viewed it as fitting that the Supreme Court would decide the future of affirmative action in education based on a challenge to Harvard鈥檚 more recent iteration of assigning 鈥渁 plus factor鈥� to underrepresented racial and ethnic minority group members in admissions.
But Students for Fair Admissions, the nonprofit group that challenged Harvard鈥檚 use of race, also sued the University of North Carolina at the same time. That case was moving slower than the Harvard case, and was awaiting a hearing in a federal appeals court (after a federal district judge upheld UNC鈥檚 use of race) when the Harvard case reached the high court.
But the justices accepted the invitation of SFFA to take up the North Carolina case alongside the one from Harvard. It seems likely that the justices wanted to consider the issue under both Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which bars race discrimination in federally funded educational programs (covering Harvard and UNC), as well as under the 14th Amendment鈥檚 equal-protection clause, which governs a state university such as UNC but not a private institution such as Harvard.
Initially, the two cases were consolidated for argument and the Harvard case would have likely taken much of the attention.
With Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson joining the court in June, upon the retirement of Justice Stephen G. Breyer, she made it clear that she would recuse herself from the Harvard case. (She served on Harvard鈥檚 Board of Overseers until early this year.)
But she is participating in the North Carolina case. That led the court to separate the cases into two, distinct arguments. And based on its traditions, the court will hear the North Carolina case first on Monday, allowing Jackson to take the bench with her colleagues. Then, before the Harvard case is called, Jackson will slip out and return to her chambers, and her eight colleagues will remain to consider more recent versions of the 鈥淗arvard plan.鈥�
