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Most Schools Don鈥檛 Model Democracy

By Deborah Meier 鈥 December 02, 2014 5 min read
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Deborah Meier鈥檚 of the Albert Shanker Institute continues today.

Dear Leo,

This was originally written to be published last week. I have a few other things on my mind as I edit this, including the Ferguson decision. I鈥檓 sadder and more worried than when I wrote this, but it will take time to digest enough to write sanely about it. But maybe there鈥檚 a connection with what follows.

So, Leo, yes, there is a spectrum of good and bad 鈥渢raditional鈥 public schools. But it鈥檚 not, unfortunately, close to a normal curve when it comes to democracy, unless we dumb down its meaning. Those at the far right end of the curve are more benign, but schools that are (by the usual definitions) democratic communities of even just adult faculty are few and far between. They barely fit on the curve at all. Universities have become less democratic as well, as more and more of the staff become part-timers or untenured.

Richard Kahlenberg, in his mostly friendly book on charters, notes that while he found two Washington charter schools that served rich and poor in heterogeneous classes, he found none in which teachers have a voice in making school decisions. He found one in Baltimore that did both. He鈥檇 do no better if he was looking at regular public schools. It鈥檚 not entirely the fault of 鈥渟ociety,鈥 but also of where we鈥攁s trade unionists鈥攈ave put democracy on our list of priorities. Having the union have a voice substituted for our all having one. And now we鈥檝e almost entirely lost the union鈥檚 voice in one state after another! But our schools themselves hardly represented any form of democracy.

But, as you suggest, there are qualities about many schools and even more classrooms that help the young begin to grasp what democracy might be about, that helped them build a repertoire of habits of mind that led them to be active and often powerful citizens. It鈥檚 probably even more true of progressive private schools. The Friends schools, the Ethical Culture schools, etc., spend a lot of time thinking about how their curriculum and standards promote democracy and tend to invent more ways for students and faculty to be involved in a school鈥檚 development. I know your classrooms fell into this category.

Despite this, to quote you: 鈥溾 Even public school choice, which I have long been a fan of, is risky for democracy. Why? Because schools of choice disrupt community, which is already badly disrupted. Unless we change the way our politics operates, we are stuck in a society that builds representation upon the existence of geographic communities. Of course, as less and less power rests in those communities I suppose it becomes less and less important how they are represented politically.

I鈥檝e always been intrigued at the attack on elected school boards (disclosure: I once served on an elected New York City school board) because they bring out so few voters. It鈥檚 an argument that could also be made of mid-terms. Let鈥檚 get rid of them since a very small percentage of the potential voting public decides on the composition of the entire House of Representatives, which is hardly a powerless institution.

But the hierarchy of schools needs more explaining to our students. It鈥檚 doubly apparent in elementary schools. Do they ever wonder why we adults put up with it? The very rich and powerful once hired tutors for their children and then sent them to private schools modeled after the kind of society they expected their children to rule over. They wanted their children to honor hierarchies. But the rest of 鈥渦s鈥 were once taught, if at all, by very disrespected single women for a few years of our lives when we weren鈥檛 generally big enough to be threatening. And for only those months when the young weren鈥檛 essential to the working of the economy. We鈥檝e moved on, and by the time I entered the field, the treatment of teachers in urban public schools attended by low-status children was still a shock to me. Maybe it鈥檚 less obvious in high schools both because of size, departmentalization, and maybe because they have always had more status and were largely all-male.

We can do something about it as your story of Bard reminds us. If we are determined to make that a priority. And, I suspect, only if we find mechanisms鈥攍ike Mission Hill鈥檚鈥攖o include families and neighbors in the rulership. Plus students, especially as they come close to reaching the age when they will become full-scale citizens.

It鈥檚 this notion of citizenship鈥攚hich rests on taking responsibility for the common good鈥攖hat is just much too complicated and subtle to just 鈥渃atch on鈥 when you reach 18. In a grossly unequal society in which many are totally disfranchised and others might just as well be, it鈥檚 perfectly natural for those with vastly more power to place their interests before that of others. There will always be exceptions, but a democracy that rests on such exceptions doesn鈥檛 last long in any form. And when intentions are the very best, the balances, tensions, and trade-offs that are inherent in any institutional environment鈥攂ut especially democracies鈥攁ren鈥檛 easy to learn in the absence of any first-hand observation and experience.

I鈥檓 reading a thesis written by William Martin about John Dewey and Robert Hutchins. The author argues that both saw their ideas as essential to the future of democracy, even though they seemed to be in opposite corners in their time. Having been the product of both a Dewey鈥檌an and a Hutchins鈥檌an form of schooling, I agree. I鈥檇 enjoy being part of a community that had responsibility for learning from both these intellectual giants. But note that (I think) neither addressed democracy in terms of the schools鈥 adult roles.

Yes, while it鈥檚 true democracy is never complete, we do kids and ourselves a disservice to pretend that our schools are living examples of even an imperfect democracy. They bear no resemblance to one in terms of decisionmaking and power relations. Worse, they generally encourage habits of heart and mind that leave democracy unprotected.

Deb

P.S. Three good references for thinking about schools as institutions are Upton Sinclair鈥檚 Goose Step: A Study in American Education (1922), and John Goodlad鈥檚 A Place Called School and Ted Sizer鈥檚 Horace鈥檚 Compromise (both in 1984).

The opinions expressed in Bridging Differences are strictly those of the author(s) and do not reflect the opinions or endorsement of 澳门跑狗论坛, or any of its publications.